Noted political scholar Professor Jibrin Ibrahim has cautioned that Nigeria is currently facing a resurgence of the democratic decline that prompted military intervention sixty years ago.
In a conversation with ARISE News on Thursday, Ibrahim, who chairs the Editorial Board of Premium Times, stated that the 1966 coup represented a signal that democracy was in peril and stressed that today, Nigerians find themselves again in a system that is being stripped of its foundational rules, principles, and institutions.
Reflecting on the profound personal tragedies and political repercussions linked to January 15, which is now recognized as both the day of Nigeria's first coup and Armed Forces Remembrance Day, Ibrahim expressed concern over the lasting effects of the coup on national faith in democracy.
"The aftermath of the coup severely diminished the public's belief that democracy could be remedied," he remarked. "While the political elite had serious issues, the root causes were structural. The military's interference exacerbated the trauma and diverted us down a detrimental path."
Ibrahim shared memories from his childhood, noting that he was just 11 years old and living in Lagos when the coup took place, before later moving back to Kano shortly after.
"I lived in Lagos because my sister took me from primary school in Kano to continue my education there. Her husband worked as a prison officer, so every evening we would discuss who had been arrested, who was killed, and who had been detained," he recalled.
Despite his limited understanding at that age, he noted that the violence left a significant emotional impact.
He described having returned to Kano, where he resided in a neighborhood largely populated by Igbo families. "When the violence began, our houses were attacked. The following morning, I naively ventured outside to find that all the children I used to play with had been killed, their bodies scattered on the streets," he recounted.
"That trauma has lingered with me throughout my life, which is indicative of how many Nigerians have endured repeated instances of trauma since the 1960s."
Ibrahim pointed out that the public's reaction to the coup was markedly different across regions, primarily due to its ethnic implications.
"It varied depending on your geographical origin," he noted. "The dynamics of who perished versus those who survived imparted an ethnic narrative to the event, influencing how individuals perceived it."
However, he also acknowledged that numerous Nigerians once embraced the coup, fueled by widespread dissatisfaction with corruption and political deceit.
"Corruption had deeply penetrated the system, and many citizens hailed the young officers, convinced they would decisively confront the issue," he stated, referring to the early jubilant commentaries by respected intellectuals of that era.
"But such optimism was short-lived. Eight years later, public sentiment shifted, and many believed that the military had become even more corrupt than the politicians they replaced."
Ibrahim asserted that the coup highlighted entrenched structural dilemmas stemming from colonial legacies, particularly an inequitable federation.
"The North accounted for roughly 70 percent of the land and over half the population, making it a consistently dominant force," he mentioned. "The British were urged to address this imbalance prior to independence, but they declined."
Although the military attempted to rectify this disparity through the formation of new states, Ibrahim claimed that corruption ultimately thwarted their efforts.
"Instead of curtailing corruption, it proliferated throughout 30 years of military governance," he stated. "Today, former soldiers might even claim that subsequent politicians have not surpassed their levels of corruption. Thus, corruption has effectively thrived in Nigeria's political landscape."
Ibrahim dismissed the notion that the coup instigated ethnic divisions from scratch, asserting it merely amplified pre-existing grievances.
"Severe discontent existed prior to this, particularly regarding the 1962 census and the flawed elections of 1964," he indicated. "This sense of political injustice prompted the young officers to execute the coup."
He added that neither the counter-coup nor the conclusion of the civil war succeeded in healing the nation's wounds.
"Hope emerged post-civil war, especially with General Gowon’s ‘no victor, no vanquished’ philosophy," he remarked. "However, the military became politicized, relishing their power and manipulating transition processes, leading Nigerians to realize we were far from resolution."
According to Ibrahim, Nigeria has yet to confront the consequences of either the coup or the civil conflict honestly.
"The Oputa Commission, established under President Obasanjo, received impactful testimonies, but no actions were taken based on them," he noted. "It turned into a mere talk shop. Nowadays, most young Nigerians are unaware it even existed."
He contrasted this with Rwanda, where truth-telling served as a cornerstone for reconstruction.
"We missed an opportunity to learn from our past and foster trust for our future," he stated.
Drawing connections between the events of 1966 and today, Ibrahim cautioned that similar warning signs are apparent once more.
"Currently, there's a consensus that democracy is faltering," he said. "We've experienced 26 years of civilian governance, yet manipulation persists, institutions are weakened, and Nigerians are becoming increasingly concerned that we’ve strayed from our fundamental ideals of federalism."
When asked what lesson January 15 should impart to Nigerians, he advocated for an honest review of history.
"It would greatly benefit Nigerians to reflect on the message of Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu," he suggested. "His analysis scrutinized domination, abuse of power, electoral fraud, and corruption. If people examine it today, they will begin to draw parallels with current events."
"We ought to have assimilated that lesson," Ibrahim concluded. "Unfortunately, we have not."
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