Chief Mike Ikenna Ahamba is an experienced lawyer, politician, and community figure. Practicing law for over five decades, he has held the distinguished title of Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) since 1992. He gained widespread recognition in the legal domain during the 2003 and 2007 elections, where he played a pivotal role by representing General Muhammadu Buhari in his pursuits for the Nigerian presidency. Ahamba also served as a member of the Imo State House of Assembly during the Second Republic from 1979 to 1983, where he was the chief whip. In addition, he is involved in various community associations.
Can you tell us about your early years?
I am the modest son of the late traditional leader from Mbaise. Both my parents hailed from an educational background; my father was among the early authors of the Igbo language.
With both parents now deceased, I have taken on the role of the head of my immediate family. We are a group of eight, consisting of seven females and myself, the only male. By God’s grace, all of us have graduated—one of my siblings is a doctor. That’s our family structure.
As the child of educators, did you attend school under their guidance or did you go to a different primary school?
I was educated under their stewardship. Even at a young age, I was aware that my father was a headmaster and my mother was a headmistress, which drove me to be disciplined. The thought of being the son of the headmaster faced with punishment in school felt like a sacrilege to me; hence, I made it a point to avoid misbehavior.
They never granted me any privileges; I didn’t get into trouble at school. This mindset followed me into secondary education as I faced minimal punishment—just twice throughout that time. Once I was part of a collective punishment, and the other occasion stemmed from a personal fight during class. When questioned by the principal, I explained the incident leading to my actions, but I was punished without consideration for context. I did not mind potential expulsion for standing my ground; I stated that if sent home, my father would find another school for me.
It seems the teacher may have spoken to the principal regarding your situation. I trust you did not submit to the punishment?
My belief is that a principal should seek to understand why his student was involved in a fight.
Where did you pursue your legal studies?
I attended the University of Nigeria, Imo campus.
What led you to choose Law as your field?
It felt like an organic decision at the time. My choices were between Law and Medicine, and I was qualified for both disciplines.
You see, my father was a member of the Eastern Nigeria House of Assembly, achieving this as an independent candidate. I remember meeting a doctor named Joe from Umuahia, another independent candidate. During one of my visits, he inquired about my aspirations for the future. I smiled but did not respond immediately.
He advised me, saying, “Listen, you will either be a lawyer or a doctor. That's the only way to engage with the government while maintaining your freedom.” This remark resonated with me deeply, ultimately guiding me towards Law.
Did you engage in any student activism during your secondary school years?
Indeed, I did. In my final year, I served as a house prefect. My friend was the school prefect while my roommate held the title of compound prefect. These officials often attempted to exercise authority over the house prefects, scheduling activities in the dining area without consulting us. I rallied my colleagues, asserting that we would not accept such behavior since school prefects were subordinate to us as house prefects. We needed to resist unless we were consulted.
After presenting our objections, other prefects advised their boys to retreat to the dormitory as well. The school’s master came to me asserting that I was inciting rebellion. I explained that as the supervisor of the boys, it was inappropriate for the others to make decisions without involving us. The master's agreement confirmed my point, and I felt my case was resolved.
One principle I have held on to is ensuring that I act within the frame of the law.
It appears you ventured into politics rather shortly after your admission to legal practice. Did you have private practice during that time?
Definitely. I commenced my legal practice two months post my return from youth service.
On your own?
Initially, I interned with a lawyer in Aba for six months before moving to Owerri to work with another lawyer, who later ascended to a judgeship. Subsequently, I chose to practice independently.
Did you ever consider a position in the Ministry of Justice?
A civil service role wasn't suited for me; my independent nature would clash with it. I understood early on that sole practice was where my aspirations lay.
At a young age, while in Standard II, I had a vision of wearing a black robe and entering a hall with an item in hand, a premonition I couldn't comprehend back then. When I arrived at the High Court later, I felt it was divine guidance revealing my path, and I embraced my calling.
I dedicate my efforts solely to legal practice. I am neither a contractor nor an importer.
Why did you enter politics early on to contest for a position in the state House of Assembly back in 1979?
My father was a political figure involved in the House when the 1966 coup occurred, and his life took a dramatic turn as he transitioned from driving a Pontiac to later facing struggles, even to the extent of riding bicycles. The aftermath of the war significantly changed his fortunes. It was heartbreaking; I was reluctant to engage in politics, fearing it could lead to a similar downfall for me.
However, in 1977, the Autonomous Community Law prompted many notable politicians of the era to take on traditional rulerships. Our community urged my father to accept this honor, yet he declined. When asked to consider it myself, I stood by my father, arguing that since others were stepping up, he too should serve the community, and I would support him as a practicing lawyer.
It would have been shameful for me to sit idle while unqualified individuals outshined my father's contributions. Thus, I opted for the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) instead of the NPP to avoid being overshadowed by more established figures.
And somehow, you secured a victory?
Indeed, I won. Unfortunately, some individuals disrupted the community. On that fateful day, the committee summoned me to discuss our contributions. I illustrated our community map and inquired if they could erase their names and create room for my community's identity. They failed. It seemed destined.
Your foray into politics was relatively short-lived. After the 1983 coup, what steps did you take?
I faced no challenges. During my tenure at the House, I continued my legal practice because I recognized that the salary was hardly sufficient to maintain my responsibilities. I maintained that I would resign if barred from practicing law.
Nevertheless, the Ministry of Justice's attorney questioned my legal practice rights. After deliberating, I established that, while a House member is a public office holder, we belonged to a unique category for conduct codes. Justice Oputa recognized my arguments, highlighting lawyers’ freedom to practice in conjunction with other professions provided they met minimum requirements.
Consequently, I continued my legal practice simultaneously with my political role.
Following your departure from the Imo House of Assembly in 1983, you became a Senior Advocate of Nigeria in 1992. Does this designation reflect wealth and success in legal practice?
While it doesn't necessarily signify wealth, one could argue I've achieved success because a lawyer's accomplishments are not solely reflected in material possessions.
However, Senior Advocates do command considerable fees; how does that relate to wealth?
That’s a common misconception. Upon becoming a SAN, many speculated I'd suddenly attained immense wealth. Alas, I informed them, that was fiction!
It is understood that consultations with SANs demand substantial fees; do you concur?
Indeed. At the inception of my career as a senior advocate, there were merely seven of us in the entire country, adhering to strict qualification processes. The path to achieving that title was demanding. Guidelines have since been relaxed, and the number of SANs has increased significantly, yet achieving success relies on personal determination and effort. Even now, I diligently work.
However, financial gain does not dictate my decisions. I can proudly state I represented Buhari in two presidential petitions at no charge. Let those from his camp share their own narratives. Buhari stated any financial support he offered was merely to cover my expenses. My motivation was to expose the deficiencies within the Nigerian electoral system—hence my commitment to those cases.
Did Buhari request you to handle these cases? How did you first connect?
I’m inherently a pro-democracy advocate and do not support dictatorship. Even during Buhari's competent leadership in 1984, he wasn't my choice.
Eventually, he joined our party—the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP)—and I found myself standing at a crossroads. During a fundraising event for Aliero, I had yet to a meet Buhari. As discussions unfolded, the topic of the ANPP’s struggles in Kano emerged. Have you come across a certain Ibrahim Little?
He mentioned one of the party candidates approached him with a pledge of loyalty in exchange for support. Buhari advised this individual to prioritize loyalty to the party instead.
I recognized his democratic stance and requested to meet Buhari face-to-face. The meeting was organized at Nicon Hilton.
When I confronted Buhari, I questioned him on his previously stated disinterest in multi-party systems yet his intention to partake within one. He acknowledged the shift in political landscapes and explained that the best systems evolve toward multi-party frameworks, which is why he made the transition. That discussion led me to commit to supporting his aspirations.
Did you represent him in the significant cases of 2003 and 2007 at no fee?
Yes. His wife is aware of this arrangement. In the inaugural instance, he covered the cost of my stay at Hilton, while in the subsequent case, he did not even cover accommodation expenses.
What do you perceive as the fundamental issues surrounding our flawed electoral processes? Many attribute the blame to our judiciary; would you agree?
Yes, they are part of the issue, but they are not solely to blame. Politicians also contribute to Nigeria's ongoing challenges. It's unjust to place the burden solely upon politicians, particularly when the structures meant to regulate their conduct—like the media, law enforcement, judiciary, INEC, and on the broader populace—fail to perform their duties.
Is it true that people accept funds in exchange for their votes?
Absolutely. It's essential to emphasize that education concerning voting rights cannot be restricted to the lead-up to elections; it must be an ongoing process, fostering a mindset where individuals understand the power their PVC represents. They face a responsibility to reflect on the prior four years, delivering judgment on their experiences via their votes every four years. Failure to do so leaves them as accountable for the consequences for an additional four years.
People must grasp the depth of the problem they face and take charge of finding solutions themselves. As a devoted fan of Fela Kuti, I admire his insights—even if misjudged as madness by some. He coined it best: “Suffer, suffer, suffer; your predicament is your own.”
I reiterate: modifying the electoral act offers no real solutions. Each election cycle introducing reform has yet to yield tangible improvements.
With your extensive experience in both law and politics, do you believe we can ever establish correct electoral practices in Nigeria?
I harken back to a teaching from an Old Testament figure, Joshua. When the Jews reached the Promised Land, they strayed and began venerating the idols of the locals. Joshua proclaimed that while others could worship as they pleased, he and his kin would remain steadfast in their devotion to God.
The more individuals that adopt such a determined stance, the better off we will be. It's disheartening to glimpse those we've built relationships with for years, swayed on election day to betray us for monetary gain. This is unacceptable, and citizens must be educated on the significance of their choices in places of worship, learning institutions, and communities.
We must persist in this quest because change will come with time.
Following my representation of Buhari in those petitions, I aspired to lead the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), which did not materialize. What transpired?
When I sought the national chairmanship of the ANPP, it was upon Buhari's initiative.
Did he encourage your candidacy?
Yes. In fact, I was unaware of the individuals who filled out my forms. There was an undisclosed figure who compensated the necessary fees. However, rigging marred the elections and I drew attention to that issue. My leader sat idly while they manipulated results against me.
That was characteristic of Buhari; he often refrained from interfering in others’ affairs. If someone was in charge, he offered them his complete backing—rightly or wrongly—which would ultimately backfire in his own presidential pursuits.
Were you aware of my losses in both the ANPP and CPC elections without intervening?
Certainly. The CPC incident was the breaking point. During that time, we agreed to eliminate zoning for key positions and prioritize selecting the best candidates available. I was unaware that individuals close to me had no intention of following that agreement.
Just prior to the convention, one of Buhari's key supporters announced that the chairmanship had been designated for the South-South, purportedly with Buhari’s endorsement.
I questioned who made such a decision since it had never been discussed within our national executive. The response confirmed that not only was it approved, but my descent into anger was nearly palpable.
Did that signify the end of your bond with Buhari?
Not quite. Afterward, another individual from Benue reached out, stating it was unjust to treat Chief Ahamba in that manner because everyone recognized my contributions to the party and campaign. They suggested that instead of being sidelined, I should be considered as Buhari's running mate. My leader and friend countered, indicating, “The vice presidency will originate from the South-East, yet it may not be Mike.”
Who ended up with that position?
** It went to Tunde Bakare.
Once he ascended to the presidency, did you maintain any connection with him?
I extended my congratulations and wrote two letters expressing my desire to visit him at the State House, but my correspondence was never delivered. Even colleagues who had previously partnered with him began ignoring my calls. Such is politics.
Did this treatment continue throughout his presidency?
Indeed, he never acknowledged my efforts and failed to extend even a simple Christmas greeting during his entire eight-year term. I did not harbor resentment towards him, even in the wake of his passing.
In fact, I was genuinely affected by the news of his death. He held a special place in my heart as a fiercely dedicated leader, and I believed he offered a potential solution to corruption in the country; alas, God’s plans are always for the best.
What political actions are you currently engaged in?
I remain committed to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and will continue my affiliation until I am informed that the party has been dissolved. Regardless of the turmoil within, I will not waver.
The All-Progressives Congress (APC) resembles an overcrowded vessel, and every such vessel faces a high risk of capsizing. The African Democratic Congress (ADC) serves merely as a front for discontent within various parties whereas the ruling party has nearly extinguished the Labour Party. The PDP remains the only enduring party capable of mounting serious resistance. Should we not be erased as a party, we plan to prepare vigorously for the 2027 elections. Even if we do not triumph, those who contest us will certainly realize they've encountered formidable opponents.
Even with many governors departing from the party?
Which of those governors was aligned with us in 1999? Which ones were with us in 2015? They are opportunists. I have consistently reminded our party to recognize and honor loyal members when dispensing positions.
As a lawyer with an Igbo background, how do you view Nnamdi Kanu's situation?
Unfortunately, it is a regrettable situation from the start. I wish not to critique my fellow lawyers, yet at one intertwined point, those close to him seemed to exploit his situation more for publicity than with genuine intentions of defense.
Kanu's decision to dismiss his legal team may have been a miscalculation. He thought that provoking such a crisis would serve him, but the law is consistent. He should have maintained his representation until the conclusion. Though he had the constitutional right to change counsel, I believe it was not ultimately beneficial for him.
Would you contemplate assisting him?
Why would I intervene at this juncture? Had they approached me earlier, I might have considered it.
I recall reading that if we don't embrace the 2014 Constitutional Conference—of which you took part—we should revert to the Aburi Accord. Do you feel disheartened with the current state of Nigeria?
Absolutely.
It seems you have reservations about the current framework of Nigeria; is that accurate?
I have faith in the essence of a nation called Nigeria, but not in its current structure. When Nigeria was conceptualized, three nations constituted the federation akin to the United States, where distinct nations unified voluntarily.
The North had Sir Ahmadu Bello, the East had Nnamdi Azikiwe, and the West was led by Awolowo.
By 1957, both the West and East had self-rule while the North opted to delay until 1959. By 1960, independence was achieved, and the constitution granted them governance.
Subsequently, state creation commenced. The distinction between the American and Nigerian federations lies in the fact that the former sees states define the nation while the latter has the nation dictate terms to state entities, fostering friction at the federal level.
To clarify, you advocate for the 1960 Constitution?
Indeed. We need to separate ourselves somewhat to find common ground. As long as we depend on Abuja, we will continue to experience tensions. That's my stance—which is why I discuss the significance of Aburi, as it attempted to address such issues, although it failed to accommodate minorities effectively.
The cancellation was influenced by effective minority representation which led to overlooking the majority’s needs. It’s essential that we acknowledge historical missteps and rectify them.
Can you share insights about your private life, such as family and hobbies?
I am married to a devoted partner named Kate, together we have one child who is blessed with five kids. Thus, I often quip that I now have seven children, which is fulfilling.
On a personal level, I am an advocate for justice for all, at any and all costs. There’s no sacrifice too great for justice—that is my underlying principle.
Everyone should remain mindful of their roots, and I am deeply committed to my community. Currently, I serve as the regent of my community, where we’ve selected a traditional ruler to be crowned in December, after which I will hand over responsibilities.
Why won't you take on the traditional ruler title yourself?
That would entail returning to the village. I maintain that a traditional ruler must reside within their community.
Moreover, I have contributed to drafting all of our community constitutions from my father's era onward, staunchly insisting that traditional leaders must be part of the community they govern. I lack agricultural skills and resources to support myself otherwise.
So, approaching 80, you still actively practice law?
Yes, indeed. I maintain a regular schedule from Monday through Friday, occasionally including Saturdays. Sundays are my only rest days.
How do you unwind?
If today were Thursday, I wouldn’t remain after this engagement as I must go to support the national team. Any Nigerian team colors I see sparks my interest, starting from the Under 17 on up. Whether a match occurs at 3 AM or at any plausible hour, I ensure I’m there to watch. I enjoy football extensively. Boxing also caught my interest during its peak periods.
Did you ever participate in boxing competitions?
I made attempts to participate in a boxing tournament through a club, but my mother intervened, fearing for my safety as her only son. Someone warned her that boxing could be dangerous, and she adamantly declared, "Should you pursue again, I will take my own life for you." I stepped away from that option due to her concerns.

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